As the political landscape grows more polarized, gun rights have become a core wedge issue used to verify the purity of candidates from the two major parties. A pro-gun Democrat is not likely to survive most primary elections, and an anti-gun Republican is usually a non-starter. This issue alignment has become more distinct over the decades. Some of that has developed from the deliberate alliance between conservative institutions and major gun-rights institutions, and it is helpful from both fundraising and legislative-advocacy standpoints to have champions on the right.
We don’t want to give that up, but we also don’t want to tie our fate to the wins and losses of one political party. We don’t want gun rights under siege every four or eight years with each change in the political tides. So we have to attract more centrist and even left-leaning voters. We need to shape an environment where it is safe for a Democrat to support the Second Amendment. We can make freedom — even gun freedom — a bridge issue instead of a wedge issue.
Bridging the Issue
Bridging the parties starts with our advocacy and messaging. We can say plainly that we don’t see gun rights as a uniquely conservative idea. Let’s highlight defensive gun uses that protected people across all demographics. We can explain that gun rights help secure equal rights — especially for disenfranchised and under-supported segments of the population — just as they did during the civil rights movement. Reinforce that armed robbers, mass murderers and rapists don’t care whether they are targeting a liberal or a conservative. Law enforcement and ambulances have roughly the same response times in “blue states” and “red states.” Self-defense is a human right, and, as such, it is for everyone.
Our messaging can also focus on policy initiatives likely to garner strong bipartisan support. We may not get all Democrats on board with removing suppressors from the National Firearms Act, but we could get some support on strengthening concealed carry rights, particularly for greater reciprocity between states. This demands a certain level of agility and awareness that gun-controllers tend to have. We have to read the popular mood and find opportunities where they present themselves. Spreading our message can also be done more subtly, conveyed through tone and attitude. We want people across the political spectrum to know they are welcome within our ranks, which is more a cultural vibe than an ad campaign.
Cross-partisanship also requires discipline within our ranks to be pragmatic and agnostic about supporting liberal candidates who are sympathetic toward gun rights. They do exist, and when we find them, we should help them — particularly early in the primary phases of their campaigns. We may not agree with these candidates on every issue, and these candidates may not be 100 percent aligned with us even on gun rights, but someone who is 80 percent my friend is not necessarily 20 percent my enemy. A pro-gun Democrat is in a position to weaken a gun-control blitz from within.
Swinging Our Way
There are good pragmatic political reasons to drive this way. The House and the Senate are often divided by razor-thin margins. Up until now, the last maximum-effort legislative attack on gun rights was in the immediate wake of the Sandy Hook mass murder. Three bills hit the Senate floor, including one to restore the Assault Weapons Ban. All three failed, but two had a majority and only failed because they couldn’t overcome the 60-vote supermajority to avoid a filibuster. Those margins should concern us. It is noteworthy that 15 Democrats voted against the Assault Weapons Ban. We needed Democrats then, and we need Democrats now. Gun rights will not be truly safe until we can create an environment in which it is safe for Democratic politicians to support them.
To swing politicians toward us, we also need to court swing voters. Previous Return Fire installments have explored ways to attract those on the fence, but at the most fundamental level, we have to present ourselves as moderate and welcome moderates from across the aisle — even when we disagree on other issues. It is also imperative that we fight the stereotypes with which the gun-control proponents continuously try to brand us. We are not extremists, terrorists or radicals. We are concerned citizens, parents, workers and taxpayers who want to protect our families and our country.
Bringing more liberals to the pro-gun side is an uphill battle. They risk being shunned by their party and cut off from national funding if they fail to toe the line. But we can diminish gun control as a wedge issue of party identity and turn it into a third-rail issue instead. If 2022 has taught us anything, it is the importance of allies. We need strong and loyal allies, and we need to invest in those alliances over time.
Because let’s face it: Though we don’t know when the next blitz against gun rights will be, we know it’s coming.
Doyle is a concerned citizen and gun-rights advocate. His opinions are his alone and do not reflect the official policy of his or any other agency. References and links to other gun advocacy groups do not imply endorsement of those organizations. He can be reached by mail at Jim@tacticaltangents.com.